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Internet-Zeitschrift für Kulturwissenschaften | 17. Nr. | September 2008 |
| Sektion 3.1. |
Culture sans frontières / Kultur ohne Grenzen / Culture without Borders Sektionsleiterin | Section Chair: Gertrude Durusoy (Izmir) |
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Internet-Zeitschrift für Kulturwissenschaften | 17. Nr. | September 2008 |
| Sektion 3.1. |
Culture sans frontières / Kultur ohne Grenzen / Culture without Borders Sektionsleiterin | Section Chair: Gertrude Durusoy (Izmir) |
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Mforbe Pepetual Chiangong (University of Bayreuth)
Email: pmforbe@yahoo.fr
1. Introduction
There is an ongoing global concern for environmental degradation. Africa in general and Cameroon in particular, are also part of this concern. Generally speaking, environmental degradation, especially unscrupulous timber harvesting, has been proved to have consequences, if not a potential disaster, on the cultural and ecological life of communities. Perhaps at the economic level, it has been of benefit to certain individuals who exploit and export timber for fabulous sums of money. Focusing on the economic benefit, David Humphreys and Susan Carr (2001:30) argue that environmental degradation relates to “inequities of the global economic system”. Quoting Samir Amin, they add that:
Environmental problems accrue to all humanity, the ‘centre’ (meaning both the centres of the world economy and the global capitalist class) benefits most in the economic terms while the periphery bears most of the costs such as soil erosion (1977:137-43).
The exigencies of the global economy—dictated by capitalism—from Amin’s observation, have forced the “native proletariats”—who are in the minority—to engage in transnational corporations which to Humphreys and Carr (2001:30) result in the “the extraction of surpluses from the periphery to the centre”.
Environmental degradation as this paper will demonstrate does not focus only on timber harvesting. It also includes local mismanagement of land such as shifting cultivation, slash-and-burn, and the ankara(1) farming method. There is therefore need to educate the population on strategies to prevent a degradation of the environment, especially the forest. This paper explores ways in which Makuchi and Bole Butake—both Cameroonian creative writers—have dealt with different forms of deforestation in their works. The strategy they have advanced, for instance the use of African cultural tools like rituals, and community theatre, to curb deforestation and to protect other components of the environment, is also examined in this paper.
1.1 Culture and art in environmental education
Culture and art —the short story, drama and Theatre for Development (TfD)— are significant in education and sensitisation of the public. Theatre for Development practitioners, “communicologists” and culture consultants have argued that state-owned media in Africa, both print and audio-visual, are centralised and do not often address issues related to the environment (see Mda 1992; Breitinger and Mbowa 1994; Butake 2003). According to these authors, these media are politics-oriented and do not encourage community participation in development plans, as art generally would do. Art can therefore be utilised as a tool for education and conscientisation, hence leading to development.
Considering art—i.e. the literary and performing arts—as an element of culture with far-reaching potentials, Ola Balogun describes it as “a universal language, capable of spanning distances and of communicating an identical message to all men irrespective of race or creed” (1979:33). He adds that the impact of art as a subtle medium of communication can influence the inhabitants of a community to modify their approach to their environment. Closely related to the social, political and cultural realities of the community, art functions as a unifying medium through its participatory nature and so could help a community to act as one person.
From a predominantly African-based perspective, Taban Lo Liyong defines culture as a way of life of a people at a particular time in history as they respond to social, political and economic challenges (1972: IX). This indicates clearly that traditional African culture could be used to address developmental concerns in the history of a community. Traditional culture and art such as rituals, dance and community performances, as opposed to print and audio-visual media, could be more reliable tools to facilitate communication in rural areas. Penina Mlama (1991) argues that even though culture constitutes an element for communication and development, it is unfortunately not recognised by policy makers who foreground economic growth and other strategies in development processes. According to Mlama’s judgement, therefore, using cultural elements is a more decentralised and participatory approach to communication, education and development. The short story, drama and Theatre for Development workshops constitute artistic and cultural elements that Makuchi and Butake have employed to educate Africans, especially Cameroonians, on the need to protect their environment. Significant cultural and artistic elements they have used include rituals, performance, folktale, song, and dance. These elements communicate in a clear manner their message to the public.
TfD, for instance, has been an effective medium to educate and conscientise rural communities in Africa on issues such as development, health and the environment. This form of cultural communication according to Mda is popular since it “has the potential for being a democratic medium, in which the audiences may play an active role in medium-programming, and therefore in producing and distributing messages” (1992:2). Performance, Oga S.Aba argues “might […] help to resolve some of our troubles, even if only vicariously.” (2003:80-81). Constituting song, dance, dialogue, drumming and folklore, the theatrical art does not only serve to entertain, but also to educate, hence securing socio-cultural continuity.
This paper focuses more on the use of art—as mentioned above: short story, drama and Theatre for Development—and its constitutive elements to conscientise Cameroonians on the need for environmental protection. Our authors’ aim is to claim the forest from what could be described as an approaching desert. In the analysis, we will illustrate how the image of an approaching desert is painted by the authors. This desertification is the outcome of human action, which could be judged as being both deliberate—in the case of urban Africans and Westerners—and indeliberate—in the case of rural inhabitants. The analysis also centres on how different cultural actions provoke the exploitation of the environment on the one hand and how it also helps to protect it on the other. It is necessary in this regard to start with an examination of Cameroonian laws on forestry and environmental protection.
1.2 The Forest Law in Cameroon
The question of how forest conservation laws and conventions signed and ratified by the Cameroon government are applied in order to protect her flora and fauna remains a major preoccupation. This is because, while laudable environment conservation laws exist in Cameroon, they are not effectively enforced. The focus of this section is on some of the laws enacted by the government to protect the environment.
According to records from biodiversity agents and conservationists, government of Cameroon has passed the following forestry codes since the country’s independence.
Ordinance 73/18 of May 1973 and its decree of implementation No 74/357 of 17 August 1974.
Law No 81/13 of 17 November 1981 regulating forestry, wildlife and fishery and its decree of implementation No 83/ 169 of 12 April 1983.
Law No 94/01 of 20 January 1994 regulating forestry, wildlife and fisheries in Cameroon (Republic of Cameroon, 1994) and its decree No 95-531-PM of 23 August 1995 to determine the conditions of its implementation.(2)
Focusing on the 1994 law, 30% of Cameroon’s territory has been declared protected areas. This law also outlines regulations for forestry, wild life, and fishery. It is for this reason that the criminal aspect of the 1994 law as Sama N. Justice posits, “introduces many offences related to forestry, wildlife and fishery activities […] and spells out procedure for investigation and prosecution of offences up to appeals as well as the procedure for amicable settlement of such criminal matters”(3). Further, Law No 96/12 of 5 August 1996 focuses on environmental management in Cameroon. According to Justice, the 1996 law outlines “severe penalties ranging from felonies punishable with life imprisonment and fines of up to half a billion francs CFA”(4).
In spite of the regulations mentioned above, illegal logging activities have encroached on the 30% area stipulated by the 1994 law. Also, the November 2002 Global Witness Report warns that “serious cases of infractions have not been reported by MINEF (Ministry of the Environment and Forests)”, the ministry in charge of tracking down illegal logging activities. This shows major defaulters targeted by the 1994 and 1996 laws have gone with impunity. We may then conclude that the current management of the forest is contrary to the regulations and laws put in place by the state. This puts to question Cameroon’s credibility as an environment-friendly nation.
1.3 Activities against forest conservation policies in Cameroon
As earlier mentioned, the destruction of the environment could be blamed on two actors. Firstly, the exploitation strategy of logging companies and secondly, farming methods practised by local inhabitants.
The government, as stated before, is acknowledged for the laws aimed at forest conservation. It is disheartening to know that the primary degraders of the forest are logging companies, most of which are known to and authorised by the state. These local and international logging companies in Cameroon operate with authorisation from the government. John T. Takem (2005) however blames the unscrupulous exploitation of timber by companies on a 1981 forest licence authorising companies to fell trees on 450,000 hectares of land, especially in the South West Province (see also A.A. Asong 2001). According to Takem, the terms of the 1981 licences have not been respected, since as he reports, “A 1996 Ministry of the economy and finance source notes that 78 domestic companies harvested only 997,952 cubic meters while just 28 foreign exploiters produced up to 1,724,01 cubic meters (2005:17). Takem’s account parallels Global Witness’ Report on the Ministry of Environment and Forests lack of commitment to transparency in imposing sanctions on illegal loggers. It is worthy to mention that these logging companies trade in timber. Furthermore, logging has not emptied forests of its trees but has also led to the extinction of certain endangered species of birds, animals, and plants while at the same time endangering others that had hitherto been safe.
The second type of forest depletion concerns activities in rural communities. The increase in population and the need to provide a means of subsistence to this growing population has pushed rural inhabitants to rely more on the forest for basic needs (see also Humphreys and Carr 2001; Nyang’oro 2007; Wolfgram 2006). There is increasing need for firewood for fuel, such that families scavenge the forest for wood by felling trees. Population increase has also led to the clearing of large portions of forests for food cultivation and housing (HELVETAS- Cameroon 2007). Focusing on the growing need of the population Takem adds that “shifting cultivation, slash-and-burn deplete the tree population as well as the soil nutrients” (2005: 13). Also, the ankarafarming method has added to the destruction of the soil.
Local farming techniques as mentioned above, have caused not only the destruction of the forest, but have also led to the destruction of the soil and the water cycle. Water is considered an important component of the environment relevant for the survival of man, animal and plant. In the process of searching for new and fertile areas for farming, farmers encroach on water reserve areas known as water catchments. Local inhabitants fell trees, cultivate, hunt and graze cattle on these areas. These activities, very often ignorantly performed by the local inhabitants, dry up the water source and result in insufficient water supply for the community. Certain activities around water catchments could also result in water pollution, which could provoke serious health hazards.
The conscientisation and development gap created between large scale timber harvesting and local practices needs to be filled by some sort of education and sensitisation in the way done by Makuchi and Butake. Focus below is therefore on their works: “The Forest will Claim you too” by Makuchi, and “Dance of the Vampires” (Butake). The “Children’s Theatre for Environmental Education” TfD workshop coordinated by Butake (2002) will also be used to explain the alternative conservation methods these writers propose.
1.4 Fictional representation of the real: Image of an approaching desert
The legislation as we have seen favours the protection of the environment. Makuchi and Butake, on their part, have proven the contrary. In their works, they indicate that what is written as the law is the contrary of what obtains at the level of implementation. Owing to this situation, environmental degradation is persistent and worst of, perpetrators go unpunished. Makuchi and Butake illustrate the non-respect of the environmental law through the characters they create in their works. Makuchi especially depicts characters who struggle to conserve the forest vis-vis those that destroy it. Butake in “Dance of the Vampires” also portrays notorious actors in environmental degradation. In the process of protecting or destroying the environment, the characters, as this section will demonstrate defend their cultural interests. Defending these cultural interests owe a theoretical debt to neo-marxism and post-colonialism.
Traditional neo-marxism is concerned with the exploitation of the proletariat’s labour by the ruling class, and not with the exploitation of the environment. However, in recent environmental debates, neo-marxism has been adapted to the process of natural resource mismanagement at the detriment of local communities. Humphreys and Carr admit that;
A neo-marxist view explains the pattern of export-led industries dominated by foreign investment and small indigenous elite, with transnational corporations acting as the vehicles through which surplus is channelled from the periphery to the centre (2001:30).
Similarly, post-colonial theory celebrates literature written by “ex-colonised” writers. Most of this literature examines the continuous economic impact of “ex-colonial” influence in Africa. This economic impact has been felt especially in the environmental domain. Some post-colonial critics (see Ngugi 1972; Walder 1998; Gordon & Gordon 2007) have therefore argue that the works of African writers between the 1950s and 1960s—when most African States gained independence—“assert the need to analyse and resist continuing colonial attitudes” (Walder, 1998:6). It is this resistant character that has influenced African writers to create characters which represent foreign influence and others who utilise traditional arts to culturally resist their foreign domination.
Both Butake and Makuchi make their characters real to their readers as they truly pursue the purpose of their actions to the end. According to Baboucar A-B. Cham , writers use their characters “not only to bring out the important individual characteristic and tendencies of their protagonists, but also to reflect […] the social relations into which these protagonist enter with one another” (1978:181). The social relation that exists between Makuchi’s major characters is therefore not cordial as they function according to their different socio-cultural backgrounds. These cultural influences could be classified into two categories—the traditional and foreign cultures. In Makuchi’s “The Forest will Claim you too”, the old woman Mi Nshieh, the village council, and a major segment of the community, represent the Cameroon traditional culture. The “French” and the “Korean” who own logging companies symbolise the West with its capitalist-oriented culture. The figure in the narrative that mediates between the traditional and foreign cultures is Mi Nshieh’s son. His mediation favours the capitalist culture rather than the culture of resistance of his community. This is illustrated in the narrative as he accepts to work for the logging company, despite warnings from the traditional institutions. The village community therefore considers him a “sell out” because he does not comply with the custom of the community which spells out regulations and warnings against joining logging companies.
The character of the old woman in Makuchi’s “The Forest will Claim you too” can be read from two perspectives. She could be considered an advocate of tradition and an environmentalist. Functioning as an environmentalist, she makes a recognised attempt to prevent the forest on which the life of the community is based from turning into a wilderness. Her attempt to protect the forest is seen when she instructs her son not to work with the logging company. The son’s defiance results in the old woman’s pronouncement of this curse on him: “The forest will claim you too”. Defining curses as “petitive expressions that call down death on their intended victims” (1979: 59), James A. Matisoff argues that the “malo-petitioner would often be appalled if the dire eventuality actually come to pass”(59), especially if it is pronounced at a momentary psychic state. The son’s accomplice within the logging company does not make the old woman regret the consequences of the curse on him as opposed to Matisoff’s argument. The son’s involvement with the company is interpreted as the force behind the destruction of the forest, and consequently the destruction of a source of spiritual support and medical assurance to the community.
The fact that this curse finally comes to pass, accentuates Mi Nshieh’s spiritual connection with the forest. This further consolidates her status as an advocate of tradition. Her traditional personality is presented through her constant visit to, and survey of, the plants in the forest. These plants are medicinal in several ways, e.g., they “cut off children’s diarrhoea, snuffed hacking coughs, sweated malaria through the pores bringing down tropical fevers in record time […]”(40). Her relationship with the forest also suggests that she benefits from the medicinal plants therein to fortify her powers as a diviner and a traditional healer. Her scheme to prevent the destruction of the forest—a symbol of survival to her community—, can be read not only through her visits, but also through constant nostalgic flash back on the original state of the forest before the arrival of the French and Korean logging companies which she describes as “forest rapists”:
There was a time, not so long ago, when she would walk around aimlessly […] fondling the green slopes around her. There was a time when she would take walks through the forest [...] like a child discovering the mysteries of the world. She would spread her nostrils, stretch her lungs, and inhale the smells of rotting leaves; stick out her tongue as if to taste the sour stickiness of decaying fruit (39-40).
In its current desertified state, the forest, Mi Nshieh further laments:
had lost the familiar intoxicating smells, one that stood naked like a red, ripe alligator pepper exposed on a torched hill, mourning the death of the shadows that had protected it from scavengers. A blanket woven of particles of wood, grass, dead insects, and things she could not now name undulated across the landscape…Even the air they now breathed sat heavily in their nostrils, weighing down their lungs […] (41).
The process of deforestation which results in the above-painted picture is enlivened through Makuchi’s use of onomatopoeia and personification. Natacha Zwaal defines onomatopoeia as “the formation of words from sounds resembling those associated with the object or action”(2003:96). Makuchi’s constant description of the sounds produced by saw engines as they cut down trees “vrom, vrom, vrom vrom vrooooommmm” (52) combined with the noise from the falling trees “Booooooooooooooooooom! Krakrak krak c-r-a-c-k” (52), suggest the high rate at which timber is felled and exported out of the country. Human qualities attributed to the timber-lifting machines when described as possessing “iron teeth”, and the trucks that “grunt and cough to life” when they carry tons of timber to the seaports, illustrate a pitiless image of deforestation which leaves behind a semblance of a forest. These activities destabilises the cultural life of the community, hence compel Mi Nshieh and the rest of the village community to begin to layout strategies to oust the logging companies.
The “French” and the “Korean”in “The Forest will Claim you too” are the major exploiters of the forest. These characters could be considered capitalists since their aim is to trade in timber. The timber, Makuchi informs her readers, is meant to be exported for the benefit of the foreign economy (49). The mission of the “French” and the “Korean” parallels that of the foreign emissary Albino from Albinia in Butake’s “Dance of the Vampires”. The emissary from Albinia seeks to initiate business cooperation with a despotic ruler, Psaul Roi. Paying more attention to the financial benefit to accrue from the cooperation, Paul Roi does not consider the development of his society as primary. Unable to support the declining socio-political and economic situation in the community in “Dance of the Vampires”, Nformi an Army General leads a revolution that results in the arrest of the ruler and the foreign Albinian emissary. Before arresting them, Nformi addresses, especially the foreign emissary with the following accusations:
Nformi: […] I will not allow the things you people are doing in this land.
Albino: What are we doing?
Nformi: Don’t tell me you are blind to the destruction of our forests. You people are transporting our forests to Albinia. And behaving as if our land belongs to you. You have turned sons and daughters of this land into your slaves. You think you own our land and everything in it? (169).
The entrepreneurial scheme of the “French”, the “Korean”, Albino and Psaul Roi is analogous to the argument advanced by the neo-Marxist and post-colonial perspective mentioned above. The collaboration between foreign companies and local inhabitants/politicians such as Mi Nshieh’s son with the “French” and “Korean” and Psaul with the Albinian, confirms the non-respect of forest conservation laws. Although “The Forest will Claim you too” and “Dance of the Vampires” are fiction, for the most part, they are a reflection of what is happening in Cameroon as far as forest exploitation is concerned. Takem asserts that most of the foreign logging companies are French due to Cameroon’s “neo-colonial relationship with France, located in the bilateral and cultural co-operations […]” (2005:17). This corporation justifies post-colonial thinking which criticises persistent networking—especially in the trade of raw materials—between the West and Africa. If we go by Takem’s assertion just cited, then the French, the Korean, Mi Nshieh’s son and Albino are symbols of the capitalist culture whose major intention is to benefit from Africa’s natural resources. The next section of this paper examines the consequences of the intersection of the foreign and local cultures clearly outlined in “The Forest will Claim you too”.
1.4.1 Cultural intersection, grim results, cultural resolution
The clash between the capitalist culture and the culture of the local community on the same pace—i.e. in Makuchi’s narrative—produces negative results. Prostitution, juvenile delinquency, concubinism, and road accidents are some of the consequences of timber companies operating in these local areas. Focusing on concubinism, Mi Nshieh’s daughter, Theresa has eight children with different men, many of them working for these logging companies. These children, some of whom belong to the “French,” are targets of villager’s insult, and are sarcastically described as “timber babies”. This is because their presence in the village is a constant reminder of the logging companies whose major objective, the inhabitants believe, has been to empty the community forest of its wood. Further, in the process of transporting timber from the forest to the ports for exportation, ghastly road accidents occur as a result of reckless driving by the truck drivers. As the timber fall from the trucks during accidents, other road users get killed. This situation becomes complicated when Mi Nshieh’s son is killed in the forest by a falling tree. Makuchi recounts this macabre incident thus:
Mi Nshieh had warned his son: […] But her son had not listened. [...] His mother had been alerted of the tragedy. His body was still lying where it had been found by his coworkers. They had gone to the village for more hands […] to free his body. Mi Nshieh had looked at her son’s body, what was left of it. He seemed to have no chest. All of his body right up to his head had been completely swallowed up by the earth, the skin of his face lay flat on the ground like a lid of a pot; his intestines, lying to the side of his body, were thankfully covered by the crust of black ants. His right knee had been crushed and the bones stuck out menacingly (52).
Confronted with a devastated forest, saddened by the death toll recorded from accidents, and devastated by the number of village girls giving birth to “timber babies”, the villagers adopt a culture-oriented struggle against the foreign culture. Sending away the “exploiters” from the village, the villages think, will not resolve the problem. This, they believe, could push the government “to send soldiers dem make dem come catch we go put we for guaroom” (5)(50). The villagers then settle on not selling foodstuff to the owners of the logging companies. Not selling food to the strangers culminates in the performance of a ritual of invocation by the village women at the homestead of the old woman Mi Nshieh.
Associating ritual performance with community survival in Africa, Robert M. Kavanagh points out that:
In early societies ritual was invariably associated with the spirits or gods. Rituals were created to communicate with the forces people believed controlled nature and their own lives. They were aimed at placating the spirits, asking for their help, and ensuring their participation in the battle to survive and prosper (1997: 1).
From Kavanagh’s point of view, rituals currently performed in Africa, especially Cameroon, are believed to provide needs requested by village inhabitants from the gods and ancestors. The aim of the ritual of invocation mentioned above is therefore to invite the ancestors to protect the community forest through mystical means from devastation by the logging companies.
The ritual of invocation makes use of symbolic elements to achieve the desired results. These symbolic objects, for instance incantations and the whiteman’s hair, suggest the mysterious nature of the practice. The ritual act is completed with a significant gesture of pouring libation to the gods and ancestors. The prominent figure in the ritual performance is Mi Nshieh. She embodies ancestral power and has formidable knowledge of medicinal plants, hence rendering the entire process mysterious. The impact of the ritual is felt when the young men working for the logging company abandon their jobs leaving the “French” and the “Korean” in a state of frustration and confusion. The foreigners’ attempt to make the old woman, Mi Nshieh, reverse the effect of the ritual fails. The impact of the ritual might have provoked the “French” and the “Korean” to abandon the logging companies, hence putting an end to the persistent degradation of the forest. With this initial victory already achieved, Butake raises the need to replant the forest.
The next sections of this paper focus on Butake’s mission of re-afforestation. Contrary to deforestation, reafforestation is a process of replanting trees on areas where trees had been felled. His strategy is more pragmatic as it involves sensitising the population through community theatre; a process that requires the contribution of community members at the level of education and implementation.
1.4.2 Theatre for Development: Medium of sensitisation and education
TfD is often described as theatre for the people by the people and with the people. Based on the principle of democracy, TfD has proven to be an acceptable and successful strategy to educate and conscientise local populations on development issues, through community performances. Focusing more on the community performances, TfD adopts drama, song, dance and poetry to put across messages to the local population on issues such as sanitation, healthcare, agriculture, development, and the environment. A play is created from an improvised story and later performed to the local population, by workshop participants, generally in a local language. Performing TfD plays in a local or a popular language is to overcome the problem of illiteracy. Significant TfD workshops in Africa so far include the Laedza Batanani experience (1974) in Botswana, The Kamiriithu theatre experience (1976) in Kenya, the Chilambana workshop (1979) in Zambia, the Wasan Manoma (1977) in Zaria Nigeria, the Murewa workshop (1983) in Zimbabwe, and the Theatre-for-Integrated-Rural-Development workshop (1984) in Kumba, Cameroon (see Mlama 1991; Kerr 1995; Eyoh et al 1986).
Concerned with a participatory approach, this medium of education focuses on workshop participants who analyse, prioritise and create a story based on problems encountered in their communities. Commenting on the participatory approach in TfD as basically inclusive, Mda iterates that:
People must be active participants in the creation of theatre […] but with the objective of turning theatre into a much more effective medium of adult education (1993: 9).
The workshop participants, who normally constitute members of the target community, understand their problem better when they are engaged in the theatre process. They also understand the causes of their problems and anticipate solutions which they may choose to integrate in the story that is subsequently developed into a workshop play. The participants may also decide to leave the solutions to their problems for the audience to make attempts at finding, during post-performance discussion.
What is peculiar about TfD is the cultural dimension involved. We mentioned earlier that the community in “The Forest will Claim you too” employs their folklore, specifically rituals, to combat the capitalist culture. Similarly, TfD depends on action, song, dance, drumming and storytelling to communicate educational messages relevant for the development of the community. The importance of employing cultural elements in a children’s theatre for environmental education, as Butake does, is surveyed below.
1.4.3 Children’s theatre for environmental education: Binka, Binshu and Tabenkeng areas
The workshop took place between June 7-13, 2002 with participants drawn from Binka, Binshua and Tabenkeng. These are villages located in the Ndonga-Matung Division in the North West Province of Cameroon. The workshop participants were pupils selected from eight primary schools based in the villages. They were between 10 and 13 years and in classes 5 and 6. The selection of the participants was based on their performance in class. Care was taken during the selection of participants so that those who took part in the workshop were active and could later transmit what they had learnt during the workshop to their peers and family members. The project was sponsored by the Swiss Association for International Cooperation (HELVETAS), Cameroon office.
1.4.3.1 Objectives of the workshop
There were several objectives for this TfD workshop for children—first of its kind in Cameroon—on environmental education. First, to give children the chance to decide on the future of their societies. As we have read in “The Forest will Claim you too” and “Dance of the Vampires”, adults are generally the major destructive forces of the environment—see, for instance, the roles of the “French”, the “Korean”, Mi Nshieh’s son, Albino—the emissary from Albania, and Psaul Roi discussed above. Since this bracket of the society whom Makuchi and Butake present as foreign business agents and political leaders have failed in their roles as development initiators, children according to the main trainer of the theatre workshop, Bole Butake, could be better mediators. Contrary to role of Mi Nshieh’s son, the mediation role of the workshop participants is on educating the local population, which has ignorantly engaged in indigenous farming methods and the cutting of trees detrimental to the environment. If trained through theatre to educate the adult population, the participants will simultaneously learn to protect their environment for the benefit of the future generation.
Second, to educate the village community through theatre performances. Using theatre in education is significant as it is a non-confrontational and subtle medium. Theatre also has the potential to convey sensitive messages through story, action, song, and dance. It was expected that after the workshop, both the children and the public will be aware of methods to protect watersheds and water catchments. These protection methods entail the non-destruction of the forest through tree-cutting, slash-and-burn, and shifting cultivation. The workshop also aimed at encouraging the population to cultivate the habit of replacing felled trees, which Butake summarises below:
[...] to help teachers to awaken the younger bracket of the population (that is children) to the great need of protecting the environment through the proper management of the soil, the planting of water generating tress, the avoidance of bush fires and, consequently, educating by example the adult population through theatre and by doing (2001: 1).
In addition to the above aim, green sector clubs, arboretums and orchards were to be created in the various primary schools after the workshop.
1.4.3.2 Data collection, Analysis, story creation and improvisation
The information on which the workshop play was based came from the experiences of the workshop participants and the stories they told. These experiences and stories had something to do with the environment. The data used in some TFD workshops, Emelda N. Samba (2005) recalls in her research, is gathered by resource persons from the community during their stay with its members. According to her, living in the community during the workshop period enables the participants and facilitators to interact with the villagers, discuss their problems and observe their life style. The information gathered during this process is then used to make up the story that is improvised into a play. Since the participants and resource persons at the Binka workshop did not live in the homes of community members as Samba intimates, information was gathered from the children’s knowledge of the environment learnt at school, from their observation of the community’s relationship with the environment, from home-based experiences, and from scientific clarifications made by workshop facilitators.
The participants’ knowledge on the environment was assessed during a discussion session on elements that formed part of the environment. Already familiar with most of these elements—i.e. water, humans, animals and insects—the participants were educated on the relevance of plants and trees to all living organisms. Focusing on the importance of photosynthesis, the participants were encouraged to replace felled trees. Neglecting to plant trees could result in an imbalance in the ecosystem and a gradual process of desertification. From the discussions, it was concluded that indiscriminate cutting of trees in the farms and on water catchment, slash-and-burn, the ankara farming method, and the non-replacement of felled trees were the main causes of deforestation. Considered as major environmental problems, these issues were raised in the story of the workshop play.
The play created by the participants was based on folktale and real-life experiences. As Kerr observes “when people participate in the creation of a play, theoretical analysis of the issues is an integral and inevitable part of scenario-making” (1995:161). Entitled the “The Lucky Tree”, the play weaves around a mythical tree in the centre of the forest that is not affected by the deforestation process. The lucky tree celebrates its survival as an opportunity to offer its shade to the other living organisms around it. Yet, this lone tree cannot offer sufficient shade because of the persistent demand for farmlands by villagers which requires cutting even more trees. The excerpts of the play below illustrate how villagers engage in deforestation.
1.4.3.3 Workshop play, performances and post-performance discussions
The Performances of this play took place at public places such as market squares and schools, as it is common with TFD projects. Originally, three performances were scheduled to take place at the Binka, Binshua market squares and at the Catholic school Tabenkeng. Owing to the reception of the play by the audience, a second performance was given at the Binka market square.
“The Lucky Tree” Scene 2
At Pa Tantoh’s, Mami Monica knocks at the door and he comes out.
Pah Tantoh: Ha, Mami Monica, are you the one? Good morning.
Mami Monica: I am the one, good morning. I have come to beg for a piece of land at the Mbikop forest to cultivate. My family and I will die of hunger this year because the land I have behind my house is no longer fertile.
Pah Tantoh: (complaining) Can you imagine that the water management committee is dissuading me from giving out farmlands to people? Nobody will control me over my land. I cannot refuse you land, Mami Monica. Give me just me a jug of palm-wine and two cocks.
Mami Monica: Thank you so much Pa. Thank you.
Pah Tantoh: Do you know where the water catchment at the Mbikop forest is situated?
Mami Monica. Yes I know it very well. It is a very fertile area.
Pah Tantoh: Start farming from there, I will come later and show you where to end.
Mami Monica: (very happy) Thank you. Here is 2000frs for your beer, while waiting for the palm-wine and the cocks.
Pah Tantoh: (Happy) Thank you and see you soon. (Exeunt).
Fig. 1. Performance at the Binka market square—scene with Pa Tantoh and Ma Monica
Scene Three
On her way home, Mami Monica meditates on the fact that she cannot cut down the trees in the forest by herself and let alone with a cutlass. She must see the engine saw man to help her. At the engine saw man’s house.
Mami Monica: Is there anyone in this house?
Saw man: Yes, I am there. Who is out there?
Mami Monica: Your mother.
Saw man: Just wait a minute, let me put on my clothes (comes out and sees Mami Monica) Ah Mami Monica, are you the one?
Mami Monica: Yes my son. I just wanted you to help me saw down the trees on a farm I have just acquired from Pah Tantoh at the Mbikop forest, so I can cultivate easily.
Saw man: In that case you will give me 30.000 FCFA.
Mami Monica: (exclaims) 30.000 FCFA? What for? I have just 5000 FCFA.
Saw man: No I cannot take 5000 FCFA. It is too small. The price of petrol has risen and my machine is not in good order. I must repair it to do your work. Give me 25.00 FCFA.
Mami Monica: Well first take this (giving him some money) as an advance payment. I will try and finish the rest tomorrow. And please do not disappoint me as you do to other people eh?
Saw man: No! No! I am very perfect. I have never disappointed any person. We shall meet there tomorrow at 7:00am. So be present to show me where to start and end.
Mami Monica: Ok. Tomorrow then. (Exeunt).
Fig 2. Performance at the Binka market square—Engine Saw man cutting down trees
The play was performed both in the local language known as Limbum and in Pidgin English. Traditional dances and drumming accompanied the following songs that were integrated in the play:
Song 1: Go up hills and plant more trees (2x)
Ooh ooh for we need the trees
Ooh ooh and burn no bush
Ooh ooh for we need water!
Song 2:
Morr yi bonlé
Morr yi bon á ker bep (2x)
E bon à dzo ker?
E bon à dzo keh la pzih à wo (2x)
E bep à dzo ke?
E bep à dzo e ke toh kop bee (2x)
(Fire is a good thing.
But it is only good for cooking
and not for the burning of bushes).
Post performance discussion is a significant phase in TfD. This phase concerns the contribution of the audience to the themes raised in the performance. Most often spectators request for clarifications on issues that were not understood. For instance, spectators asked how slash-and-burn and the ankarafarming practice are disadvantageous to the environment. Further, they wanted clarifications on the negative impact of cutting down trees or farming on water catchments. It is perhaps important to note here that these post-performance discussions were coordinated by the children who participated in the workshop. This accentuates their place in future plans and decision-making in the community.
1.5 Conclusion
From the above analysis, one could assert that cultural elements in literature could be used in education and conscientisation. These cultural elements, which include rituals, community performances, songs and folktales, have been successfully used in raising awareness in areas where government policies have failed. Although Wolfgram (2006) points out that the diminishing natural resources in Africa such as timber is an active debate at all levels of human interaction in Cameroon, he however questions how culture could be recognised in fostering development in this area. Post-colonial writers have attempted to situate the place of culture in development. For instance Gordon and Gordon state that:
African cultures remain and are playing a leading role in the efforts to cope with and address the forces affecting African societies. Questions of personal and collective identity and meaning frequently come to the fore as well as discontent with political oppression, foreign exploitation, inequality and poverty (2007: 5).
Discontent as discussed in this paper is communicated through cultural elements. This cultural communication justifies the raison d’etre for Makuchi’s short story and the works of Butake. The destruction of the equatorial rain forest as this paper has demonstrated is perpetrated by egocentric local politicians. This egocentric attitude makes Butake to insist from a Marxist-socialist position that:
Those who need to be conscientized are the minority urban, political and bureaucratic elite, who have confiscated the power and the wealth of the minority, and are using both for selfish ends and personal aggrandizement (2003:101).
Butake therefore sees the need to mobilise the grassroots through TfD and at the same time corroborate Makuchi in elitist writing to educate both the elites and the rural communities on environmental protection. The cultural artistic elements they borrow from their cultural heritages have not been used just for the sake of art but also to send across relevant truths to the wider community. These truths will help to prevent the forest from experiencing a wilderness. For as Mainget argues (see Humphreys and Carr 2001:28), “man is both the creator and victim of land degradation […]”
References
Notes:
3.1. Culture sans frontières / Kultur ohne Grenzen / Culture without Borders
Sektionsgruppen | Section Groups | Groupes de sections
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